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: Although the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) has been associated with increased Medicaid coverage among prostate cancer patients, the association between Medicaid expansion with risk group at diagnosis, time to treatment initiation (TTI), and the refusal of locoregional treatment (LT) among patients requires further exploration. : Using the National Cancer Database, we performed a retrospective cohort analysis of all patients aged 40 to 64 years diagnosed with localized prostate cancer from 2011 to 2016. Difference-in-difference (DID) analysis was used to compare changes in insurance status, risk group at diagnosis, TTI, and the refusal of LT among patients residing in Medicaid expansion versus non-expansion states. In a secondary analysis, we used DID to compare changes in the above outcomes among racial minorities versus White patients living in expansion states. : Of the 112,434 patients with prostate cancer in our analysis, 50,958 patients lived in Medicaid expansion states, and 61,476 patients lived in non-expansion states. In the adjusted analysis, we found that the proportion of uninsured patients (adjusted DID: -0.87%; 95% confidence interval [95% CI]: -1.28 to -0.46) and patients who refused radiation therapy (adjusted DID: -0.71%; 95% CI: -0.95 to -0.47) decreased more in expansion states compared to non-expansion states. Similarly, we observed that the racial disparity of select outcomes in expansion states narrowed, as racial minorities experienced larger absolute decreases in uninsured status and the refusal of radiation therapy (RT) regimens than White patients following ACA implementation ( < 0.01 for all). However, residence in a Medicaid expansion state was not associated with changes in risk group at diagnosis, TTI, nor the refusal of LT ( > 0.01 for all); racial disparities in TTI were also exacerbated in expansion states following ACA implementation. : The association between Medicaid expansion and prostate cancer outcomes and disparities remains unclear. While ACA implementation was associated with increased insurance coverage and decreased refusal of RT, there was no significant association with earlier risk group at diagnosis, TTI within 180 days, or refusal of LT. Similarly, racial minorities in expansion states had larger decreases in uninsured status and the refusal of RT regimens, as well as smaller increases in intermediate-/high-risk disease at presentation than White patients following ACA implementation, but experienced no significant changes in TTI. More research is needed to understand how Medicaid expansion affects cancer outcomes and whether these effects are borne equitably among different populations.
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http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/cancers17030547 | DOI Listing |
JNCI Cancer Spectr
September 2025
Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences, Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, Boston, MA, United States.
Background: Political determinants of cancer risk are largely unexplored, conceptually and empirically.
Methods: Observational analysis of associations present in 2017-2021 between 5 state-level political metrics and 4 age-standardized cancer outcomes (regional and distant stage at diagnosis for breast, cervical, and colorectal cancer among screening-age adults and premature cancer mortality), overall and in standardized linear regression models adjusting for state-level poverty and medical uninsurance.
Results: In fully adjusted models (adjusted for state-level poverty and state-level medical uninsurance variables: % working age adults [age 35-64] without medical insurance; number of years of state Medicaid expansion), each 1 SD shift toward a more liberal political ideology (measured by voting record) among elected officials in the US House of Representatives was associated with decreased risk of diagnosis with regional and distant breast and colorectal cancer (respectively: -0.
J Gen Intern Med
September 2025
Department of Internal Medicine, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI, USA.
Background: The Affordable Care Act expanded Medicaid eligibility for low-income adults who are not Medicare eligible while leaving in place states' more restrictive dual eligibility criteria. When Medicaid expansion enrollees turn 65 and transition to Medicare as their primary insurer, they may lose Medicaid and face higher premiums and out-of-pocket costs, yet there is little understanding of how older adults navigate this change in insurance programs.
Objective: To investigate the experiences of Medicaid expansion enrollees who transitioned to Medicare coverage at age 65.
Health Aff (Millwood)
September 2025
Jennifer Miles, Rutgers University.
Multiple federal policy changes since 2018 have been intended to increase buprenorphine prescribing in response to a persistent treatment gap for opioid use disorder in the US. Anticipated national increases did not occur, but highly variable state-level trends provide important insights. We used IQVIA data to examine all-payer and per payer prescribing across states during the period 2018-24.
View Article and Find Full Text PDFJBJS Rev
August 2025
Department of Orthopedic Surgery, Mayo Clinic, Phoenix, Arizona.
» Affordable Care Act Medicaid expansion increased orthopaedic surgery access and utilization among Medicaid patients, including for racial and ethnic minorities.» Despite improved coverage, Medicaid patients continue to face significant real-world barriers to orthopaedic care, including lower appointment success and longer wait times compared with privately insured patients.» Evidence on cost and quality impacts remains limited, with early signals of increased reimbursements, higher charges, and some quality improvements postexpansion.
View Article and Find Full Text PDFJ Public Health Policy
September 2025
Department of Health, Society and Behavior Joe C. Wen School of Population Health, University of California, Irvine, CA, USA.
We assessed the association of participation in the Community Eligibility Provision, a universal free school meals policy in the United States, with school and area-level characteristics, and how these associations changed between 2014 and 2020. Using logistic regression models with district-clustered standard errors, in 53,391 eligible schools nationwide, adjusted prevalence of participation was 3.8 percentage points (pp) lower among high schools relative to elementary schools (95% CI: 1.
View Article and Find Full Text PDF